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Hadhuub-daatay caanaha Hambadaa la qaban-jiray

Idhanka — Mon, 16 Nov 2009 13:18:00 +0000

Waxan rabaa inaan dadka reer soomaliland xasuusiyo waxkhtiyadii colaaddu ka dhex dhacday ummadda reer s/land gaarahaan qaybta bariga. colaadahaasi oo dhacday laba goor gaarahaan waxkhtiyadii waddanka ay maamulkiisa hayeen labadii madaxwaynee kan hadda maamulka haya ka horeeyay.
Haddaba labadaa colaadood sidii nabad loogu beddeli lahaa dadka reer awdal damiirkoodu wuu siini waayay inay dhegaha ka dabooshaan indhahana ay ka qarsadaan, culimadii iyo odayaashii ka qayb galay sii loo joojin lahaa colaaddaas weli qaar badan oo ka mid ahi way noolyihiin qaar-badan oo geeriyoodayna way jiraan. abaal-gudkoodii ma waxa uu noqday xukunkii xag jiray ee dhibtu ka dhacday? ceebta-ceelbalaayo waxa mas,uul ka ah golaha, guurtida iyo nimankii ay soo direen iyo xubnaha sare ee xisbiga kulmiye.

murtida qoraalkaygan waxan uga jeedaa xiissaddan foosha xun ee ka taagan meeshan lagu magacaabo ceel-bardaale. malaha ceel-balaayo ayaabay ku habboontahay in lagu magacaabee. maxaa loo waayay dad wanaagga ka taliya iyo dawlad maamulkeeda iyo go,aankeeda la maqlo oo meeshaas wanaag iyo nabad ku soo dabaasha.

waxa kale oo haboon haddii meeshaa wanaag laga rabo weliba ay wanaagga diyaar u yihiin laba dhinac ee deriska ah, weliba wax badan oo in la xeeriyo ama la dhawraa ay ka dhexeeyaan, waa inay labada dhinacba dad ay ku kalsoon yihiin oo xeer iyo dhallasho iyo nabad-macaankeeda qiimaynaya, ahna dadka meeshaas ku dhashay ee da,doodu 70 sano jir ugu yar yahay ay meeshaa nabadeeda raadiyaan. weliba kii oo culimada diinta ee wixii ilaahay yidhi si fiican ugu kala xukumaya ummadda,ay weheliyaan, maaha kuwa khamiisyada qurxoon xidhan, dhinaca
kalena dab iyo colaad inay huriyaan ma
karafoonada la wareegaya. mar labaad waxan dadka ku adkaynayaa inta odayaashaasi waaweyn ay qaar ka sii nool yihiin ha laga faa,iidaysto wixii taariikha ee ay hayaan. taariikh kale oo la hayaa way yar tahay ama sida loogu wada qanco ayaa yaraanaysa.

dawladduna waa inay kharashka odayaashaa iyo ammaankooda ay mas,uul ka ahaato. wixii lagu heshiiyana siday ugu kala xukumi lahayd ay diyaar u ahaato, weliba tiiyoo la tix-gelinayo inay labada dhinacba si fiican ugu qanceen. oo aanay dhicin sidii nimankii berigii dhawayd ay soo direen maamulka golaha guurtidu. taasi oo la ogyahay dhibaatadii ay keentay.

gaba-gabadii waxan ka codsanayaa dhibanaasha gafkii gardarro ku dhacay bishii julay kow iyo tobankeedii in aanay aarsasho samaynin,hana lagu xidhnaado odayaasheenna xaqiinana wada jir ha loo doono xaqiinnu maaha wax aan soo koobi karo.nasriga rabbina wuu dhaw-yahay.
wa billaahi tawfiiq

By Abdi-Muse-Dalls-Taxes,

A Congratulatory Note to Al-Aqsa Schools in Borama By: Abdirahman Aadan

Idhanka — Fri, 18 Sep 2009 21:57:05 +0000

Every year like this time, the result of Somaliland’s High School Leaving Exams are announced. As usual, last Saturday, the Minister of Education of Somaliland, announced the result of High School leaving exams. The result was disclosed in a Press Conference held by the Minister and the Chairman of National Examination Board. According to the statement of the Minister, private schools retained their lead as the students from Al-Aqsa-Borama and Nuradin-Hargeisa occupied top ten seats and scored high grades. For instance, 9 out of the top ten students were from private schools. However, this year, students from Al-Aqsa High School, a private school in Borama, made a history by occupying 4 of the country’s wide top ten. The students from this school promoted the reputation of their school and that of Awdal region in general. Mohamed Abdirahman Mohamuod, a young student from this school became the “Somaliland Student of the Year” by scoring the highest grade in all over the country. Similarly the first girl that occupied the 5^th position of the top ten is from Al-Aqsa. According to the Minister of Education, Rahma Ismael Yasin, made an unprecedented history as she secured the 5^th position of the top ten. This is the first time that a female student secures a seat in the male students dominated top ten.

Al-Aqsa was established early in 1990’s and the school has played an indispensable role in the revival of primary education at a time that security was very fragile and later on intermediate and high schools. The schooling system of Al-Aqsa helped the country the efforts to re-establish country collapsed educational system.

The school is now viewed by many to be one of the few best schools in Somaliland when it comes to quality education, discipline and academic excellence- a fact that this year’s leaving exam results can reflect. Presently, Al-Aqsa schools provide educational opportunities to thousands of students who go to the chain of schools that are scattered through out the regions of Awdal and Salal in Somaliland.

This school is also one of the main suppliers to Amoud University whereby a large number of students who have completed their high school at Al-Aqsa join Amoud every year as freshmen. Remarkably, the students from this school are not only characterized with their strong academic background but also their knowledge to religion and Islamic teachings. Since 2000, when the first batch of students completed their high school studies at this school, the school has produced a large number of students who have pursued their higher studies both inside and outside the country with different specializations.

In terms of employment, apart from the subordinate staff, more than 120 teachers got teaching opportunities from Al-Aqsa schools- a fact that makes Al-Aqsa Schools one of the largest job providing institutions of Awdal Region in general and Borama town in particular.

In conclusion to this short article, let me congratulate to the teachers and management of Al-Aqsa for their tireless efforts of bringing up our young generation with knowledge, good conduct and Islamic teachings. Also, my congratulations go to Mohamed Abdirahman Mohamoud and Rahma Ismael Yasin as well as other students who have made the history and demonstrated their personal competency and the quality education of their school.

By :Abdirahman Adan

Hargeisa

Accepting Somaliland may help stabilize Africa’s Horn

Idhanka — Tue, 15 Sep 2009 19:14:23 +0000

Idhanka -By Staff Reporter

Charles Tannock
Commentary by
After almost two decades as a failed state torn by civil war, perhaps the world should begin to admit that Somalia – as it is currently constructed – is beyond repair. Some of the country, however, can meet at least a basic standard of governance. The northernmost region, Somaliland, situated strategically at the opening to the Red Sea and home to roughly 3.5 million of Somalia’s 10 million people, is more or less autonomous and stable. But this stability fuels fears that Somaliland’s people will activate the declaration of independence they adopted in 1991.

At the end of September, Somaliland will hold its third presidential election, the previous two having been open and competitive. Unlike many developing countries, it will welcome foreign observers to oversee the elections, though, unfortunately, most Western countries and agencies will stay away, lest their presence be seen as legitimizing Somaliland’s de facto government.

But Somaliland’s strategic position near the world’s major oil-transport routes, now plagued by piracy, and chaos in the country’s south, mean that independence should no longer be dismissed out of hand. Indeed, following a fact-finding mission in 2007, a consensus is emerging within the European Union that an African Union country should be the first to recognize Somaliland’s independence. A 2005 report by Patrick Mazimhaka, a former AU deputy chairman, provides some leeway for this, as Mazimhaka pointed out that the union in 1960 between Somaliland and Somalia, following the withdrawal of the colonial powers (Britain and Italy), was never formally ratified.

Ethiopia is the obvious candidate to spearhead recognition, given its worries about jihadist unrest within Somalia. Moreover, landlocked Ethiopia uses Somaliland’s port of Berbera extensively. Yet Ethiopia may hesitate, owing to its fears that formally recognizing Somaliland’s independence could undermine Somalia’s fragile Western-backed Transitional Federal Government (TGF). But, as Somalia’s new president, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, is a former head of the Islamic Courts, Ethiopia may choose the current status quo in Somaliland over the dream of stabilizing Somalia.

The key regional obstacle to recognition is Saudi Arabia, which not only objects to the secular, democratic model promoted by Somaliland, but is a strong ally of Somalia, which is a member of the Arab League (despite not being Arab) and the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Saudi Arabia supports the TFG financially and politically. Saudi pressure on Somaliland has ranged from banning livestock imports between 1996 and 2006, to threatening to reject the Somaliland passports of Hajj pilgrims.

When Somaliland’s people vote at the end of September, they will not be deciding explicitly on secession, but their steady effort at state building does amplify their claims to independence. So, two years after Kosovo’s independence, and a year after Russian troops wrenched Abkhazia and South Ossetia from Georgia, it is high time for diplomats and statesmen to provide some guidelines as to when and in what circumstances secession is likely to be acceptable.

Does any self-selected group anywhere have the right to declare independence? If so, the richest parts of any country could decide to go it alone, thus impoverishing their fellow citizens. Even if greed is ruled out as an acceptable motive, in favor of traditional ethno-cultural nationalism, a profusion of tiny tribal states might make the world far more unstable.

Moreover, does anyone, for example, want to see China return to the years of bloody warlordism of the early 20th century? Not likely. Thus clear principles are needed, as neither self-determination nor the inviolability of national borders can be treated as sacrosanct in every case.

So let me attempt to outline some basic principles: First, no outside forces should either encourage or discourage secession, and the barriers for recognizing secession should be set high. Secession is in itself neither good nor bad: like divorce, it may make people more or less content.

Second, a declaration of independence should be recognized only if a clear majority (well over 50 percent-plus-one of the voters) have freely chosen it, ideally in an unbiased referendum.

Third, the new state must guarantee that any minorities it drags along – say, Russians in the Baltic States, or Serbs in Kosovo – will be decently treated.

And fourth, secessionists should have a reasonable claim to being a national group that, preferably, enjoyed stable self-government in the past on the territory they claim. Nations need not be ethnically based; few are entirely. But most nations are unified by language, a shared history of oppression, or some other force of history.

On this, admittedly subjective, measure, Somaliland qualifies as a nation. It was briefly independent (for five days) in 1960 after the British withdrawal, before throwing in its lot with the formerly Italian south, a decision which its people have regretted ever since. In this brief period, 35 countries, including Egypt, Israel, and the five permanent members of the Security Council, recognized Somaliland diplomatically (interestingly, Israel was the first to do so).

If Somaliland’s imminent multiparty elections are reasonably fair and open, the outside world, including the AU and the United Nations, will need to reconsider its status, which has been fudged since the collapse of Siad Barre’s regime in 1991. All three of Somaliland’s parties contesting the forthcoming election are adamant about wanting recognition of the region’s independence, which was confirmed overwhelmingly by a referendum in 2001. So there is no question of one clan or faction imposing independence on the others.

Given the interests of all the world’s great powers in stabilizing the Horn of Africa, there does seem to be movement toward accepting Somaliland’s claims. An independent Somaliland could be a force for stability and good governance in an otherwise hopeless region. So the world may soon need to test whether the controversial principles it brought to bear in Kosovo have the same meaning in Africa

An open letter to Mr. Dahir Rayale Kahin, President of Somaliland

Idhanka — Sat, 12 Sep 2009 07:10:48 +0000

At the outset I should congratulate you on a work well done. Your overall performance is highly commendable, given to the difficult circumstances prevailing in the region and the insurmountable challenges you face at home. The fact that you have maintained the peace and stability of such an impoverished, unrecognized and tribal house of cards over seven years is nothing short of a miracle. You did this through your renowned patience, your tolerance and your proverbial choice of prayer over power even when your life was at stake. It is not my intention here Mr. President to enumerate your achievements nor pinpoint your failures, but I have no doubt that history and people will remember you with kindness and appreciation.

It is the ending, however, like anything else in life that lingers in memory. This is why I would like to urge you today Mr. President to quit. I know this is not an easy thing to do and I am sure the knee jerk reaction of your inner circle to my advice will be an outright anger and a total dismissal. They may not even bother to read this piece to assess my reasoning. Only the title will suffice for them to negate me and consider me as a newcomer trying to jump on the bandwagon of the Rayale bashing brigade.

Mr. President, it was not easy for me as well to write this piece. It is only after a long deliberation that I concluded as Martin Luther King Jr. said that “in the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends.” So I decided not to watch you in silence while you teeter on the edge of a steep and resounding downfall but to raise a friendly voice and warn you about the dangers I see from my vantage point of being an outside observer able to see the cracks on the wall. The cracks are wide and deep Mr. President for every observer to see. The signs of the imminent collapse of the house of cards are everyone. I know you cannot see them Mr. President because your inner circle advisory have built a fortified wall around you; a wall that hides you from seeing the political reality of the country but cannot definitely protect you from the oncoming deluge. And when that moment comes, when the fake levees break, all your inner circle advisers will disappear and you will be all alone to face the flood.

Mr. President, history is replete with examples. I don’t want to give you examples, but you are heading on the road to infamy; the road taken by many unfortunate kings and leaders who were blinded by the false walls built around them by their kitchen cabinet members. It is not easy to hear the rumblings and commotion outside when all you hear and see is what happens in the four walls of your palace when all the reports and stories that reach your desk tell you that everything is fine and that people still glorify you.

Mr. President, I am sure you think you know everything and nothing I say would be of any value to you. But one thing that you may not be aware of is that you have been on the chair too long. The fuss, however, is not all about the chair Mr. President; it is about being the custodian of the only source of income. Seven years are not a big deal if your country was wealthy, if the majority of citizens had jobs and if the government was only one of several sources of income. The problem here as in many other less developed countries is that the government is the only source of income. And this is why the hungry public can be easily incited by equally hungry opposition politicians to rise against the gatekeepers of the state treasury. It does not matter if the treasury is empty, what matters is that the State’s begging bowl should be passed around. This is why seven years is too long for the begging bowl to remain with one person or one group. This is the source of all wars in Africa as I have expressed it a long time ago in a poem I addressed to my son while he was still in the womb “dhawrtay isku laayeen tolkay dhiigna loo qubaye, waxa dhagarta loo galay anaan dhiilka lay shubine…”

Mr. President, I urge you to quit not because I see the opposition figures as better leaders and definitely not because you would not be able to defeat them in a national election. I am calling you to quit because I want you to expose the opposition leaders and deny them the only cause they have for plunging the country into a chaos and civil war. You have invested a lot of energy and time to prevent the house of cards from falling apart. It was never an easy task, but with your sagacity and patience you have managed to hold the cards together despite the forces that were trying to pull them apart. It is therefore your interest Mr. President to see that status outlive you and pass it on while the house still stands despite the damages it sustained through the years. And the only feasible way you can do that is to call it a day. You can do this with finesse in a televised speech to the nation. You can explain your reasons for quitting with all clarity and transparency. It will be your greatest legacy. It will be a speech worth listening to and I promise you it will go down in memory as one of the greatest moments of the history of Somaliland. Anyone who comes after you would then be just an irrelevant appendage. I say this not because I want to slight the importance of the opposition but because I see all they care about is how to reach the chair. Instead of building their political careers on smart political agendas and well planned national strategies, they hung their political destiny on one single objective – to dethrone you. They have shown that they can unscrupulously stoop too low, even to the point of appealing to tribal sentiments and inciting civil war to see you go. They use the conventional explosive tools of tribalism, poverty and ignorance to convey their message.

Unfortunately, Mr. President, this kind of acrimonious message is making inroads to the hearts and minds of the hungry nation. And there is one way you can reverse the tide, one way you can pull the rug out from under the opposition’s feet. It is simply to quit. If you want to bring change, you can bring it by letting it go. If you want to see in retrospect how good or bad you did during your term there is no better way than to quit, let others take the reins and watch their performance from afar. Sometimes Mr. President we must let go our beloved children to allow them to forge their own way. Somaliland has been your child for seven long years, it may be time for you to let go to see whether you were a help or hindrance to its growth and development; or as the anonymous saying goes “Sometimes you have to let go to see if there was anything worth holding on to.” So let go Mr. President, let go to show the world that Somaliland is not just another African country with a leader unwilling to pass the power.

Bashir Goth

Email: bsogoth@yahoo.com